Bristol and Liverpool: the Demise and Rise of Rival Ports in the Eighteenth Century Slave Trade.

Bristol and Liverpool: The exit and run of emudelayed miens in the eighteenth antiquity drudge exchange. In the existing eighteenth antiquity, Bristol’s dominant aspect as a drudge trading mien remained virtually unchallenged. Yet, by the end of the antiquity, Liverpool firmly recognized its standing as Britain’s induced drudge trading mien, upper Bristol wholly. Opposing some similarities betwixt the emudelayed miens, a sum of rudiments, decisions and predicament accommodate to expound Liverpool’s dignified run and Bristol’s inferred exit. The miens differing geographical colonizations, dispenses, exchange pi, vessels, travels and war impacts all played a role in Liverpool’s downdrop of Bristol. The decision-making and office capabilities of the trafficrs to-boot proved guiding in the crops of the miens. This essay argues that most importantly, the Bristolian trafficrs’ unsatisfactory economic and dispense decisions, compared delay the unusual office acumen of Liverpudlian trafficrs, sealed the destiny of twain miens. Bristol’s geographical colonization and new legislationary comp acted favourably to drive the town into the drudge exchange. The colonization of the Abundant stream Severn and Bristol Channel encouraged existing involvement in exchange aggravate the waterways, racy the crop of the mien city. Contributions to Atlantic exchange to-boot initiated Bristol’s role in the sugar exchange, succeedingcited the detain of Jamaica in 1655. [1] However, increased two-of-a-occupation in the exchange of sugar shove Bristol trafficrs into the exchange of drudges. An Act ignoringed in 1698 raise encouraged Bristol’s segregatenership in drudge trading, stating that any topic of Eminent Britain could exchange to any segregate of Africa “betwixt Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good Hope”, luckabundantly bound the London Company’s preoccupancy. 2] Bristol’s geography accommodated to above the mien’s trading power, abundantly due to enigmaticalies in navigating the vermicular Abundant stream Avon, its distant tidal collocate, and industrial shrivel in the abundant stream. Geographical colonization and comp to-boot contributed to Liverpool’s preface in the drudge exchange. Located on the seastrand in northwest England, Liverpool benefited from delay vicinity to divers industrial and textile submissive centres such as Manchester, Birmingham and Sheffield. A netproduction of abundant streams, including the Abundant stream Mersey, made the mien abundantly frank to the divers incoming and outgoing vessels. 3] The Isle of Man supposing a adapted off strand ignoble, allowing for exchange delay Ireland and penetration into the smuggled exchange delay Spain. The Grenville Treaty of 1747 quickly ended this course, forcing Liverpudlian trafficrs to infer new options for exchange. Utilizing the education and opulenceiness compeled from smuggled exchange, the trafficrs patent clear vessels and pi echiefly usageous to the African dispense, putting them towards compeling penetration to the drudge exchange. [4] Small vessels and on consideration drudge revolts hitherened the drudge heaveing magnitude and competency of Bristol trafficrs ships. The smaller extent of Bristol vessels possibly fruited from the curved constitution of the Abundant stream Avon, delay navigation enigmatical for abundantr ships. The continuance 1727 to 1769 procures an stance of seventy Bristol vessels, one at fifty tons, thirteen at fifty-one to seventy-one tons, and thirty-eight at seventy-six to one hundred tons. [5] Smooth precedently Liverpool’s run, London outshone Bristol in force, 5,925 tons to 4,250 tons at a appraise of 137,000 to 98,820 pounds Stirling. [6] The origins of drudges dissipationd by Bristolians, coupled delay long-drawn on strand stoppage seasons for drudge deliveries, twain inaudible heaveing magnitude and competency of vessels. A eagerness of suicide apt Ibo drudges and recalcitrant Ibibio drudges caused divers problems. Consequently, trafficrs niggardly education to impede and fly drudges from the expandedunfurl Bight of Biafra carriageion, to refer the dropping of drudges on consideration vessels. [7] Liverpool trafficrs similarly witnessed drudge revolts, but they familiar ameliorate heaveing magnitude and competency of vessels. Liverpool specialised in manufacturing rapid slaving vessels in the docks of the Abundant stream Mersey. [8] Liverpool’s heaveing magnitude far exceeded that of Bristol, as demonstrated in the 1100 ton Kent of 1773, the abundantst ship built in Northern England. 9] Such abundant ships and the magnitude of five drudges per two tons, undisputed for ultimatum vessel competency, and in 1753, 101 Liverpool vessels managed to heave aggravate 30,000 drudges to the Americas. Unsatisfactory vessel stipulations for drudges fruited from maximising heaveing capacities, and up to a third of drudges died. [10] One celebrated distinct on consideration the Zong displays how captains attempted to desert the dropping of drudges: Captain Collingwood threw 132 delicate drudges aggravateconsideration in enjoin to insist security, rather than endanger not vending them in the Americas. 11] Unbearable stipulations on consideration to-boot fruited in increased mutinies betwixt 1751 and 1775, which Mannix and Cowley attainment to truculent Liverpudlians’ efforts to hinder specie by reducing the extent of hordes on vessels. [12] Slaving travels and their aims impacted very-greatly on Bristol’s attempts to compel rallying in the drudge exchange. Bristol’s shorter travel season gave trafficrs a definite usage aggravate London, and until the 1730s most Bristol travels travelled to the Bight of Biafra where they encountered weak two-of-a-trade. 13] Most Bristol travels targeted Old Calabar, which aggravatereplete courageous drudges, induced to divers trading failures. Merchants such as James Rogers merely managed a delivery rate of seventy-three per cent from this carriageion. [14] Bristol aim costlys remained unrepealed, including Angola and the Gold Coast, opposing increasing two-of-a-occupation there from Liverpool. [15] The run of Liverpool caused a mighty diminution in travels made by Bristolians. Jamaican travels cut from sixty-nine to twenty-five per cent from 1728 to 1730. [16] As a fruit, the continuance of 1786 to 1807 executed merely 240 travels, compared delay 2,473 from Liverpool. 17] Voyages frequented to Jamaica became a niggardly deviate by 1750, delay 104 trips gate property betwixt 1749 and 1755, compared delay seventy-lewd travels succeedingcited sundry triangle exchange patterns. [18] Liverpool trafficrs achieved balance dull and multifarious travels and aims compared delay Bristol. Liverpool’s primary drudge exchange travel inanimate in 1708, which is a eminently delayedr penetration than Bristol. Opposing Bristol’s existing usage and recognized dispense aims, Liverpool succeeded in creating new slaving aims in areas such as Sierra Leone, Cameroon and Gabon. 19] In opaspect delay Bristol’s prioritisation of the carriageion, merely one travel took property to Old Calabar in 1793 out of forty-ssmooth travels, instead thirty-six sailed to Angola where drudges were eminently balance emolumentable. [20] In 1771 peculiar, 105 vessels travelled to Africa, obtaining 28,200 drudges. [21] In Jamaica, Liverpool exchange included seventy-lewd per cent of delivered drudges and seventy-two per cent of visiting vessels. Liverpool’s dominant obstructness at Atlantic drudge exchange aims displays the mien’s dull options, and their failure of obstructness at the unwideunfurl aspects displays their expert office costlys. The costly of exchange pi raise influenced Bristol’s luck as a drudge trading mien. James Rogers' travels, possibly not wholly normal of Bristol trading, supposing African trafficrs delay East Indian and English textiles, bar able-bodied, gunpowder, beads, hardware and liquor. [22] Other Bristol trafficrs exchanged delay polished sugar, haberdashery, window glass, bottled beer, executed able-bodied, woollens, copper and impudence, in realizepear for drudges. Wales nationally supposing the tin and able-bodied for Bristol’s anticipation. 23] Unintermittently in Africa, in analysis to drudges, Bristol trafficrs requested items such as wax, ivory and redwood, either for sale in the Americas or tail in Bristol. [24] Interestingly, Bristolians sent weak linen to the African seastrand in comparison delay other drudge trading miens. [25] Linen distinct as a induced ware in Liverpool’s costly of trading pi, giving the mien a inferable usage aggravate Bristol. Linen deviseed ninety-one per cent of all British exports to North America and West Africa, which Liverpool benefited from due to its gentle merit of Lancashire cottons and Manchester textiles. 26] Manchester’s food of checks and silk laborerkerchiefs contributed to the outlawry of Bristol’s German, French and Scottish textiles from the dispense. [27] In analysis to linen, Liverpool exchanged copper and impudence from Staffordshire, salt from Cheshire, and firearms from Birmingham. Liverpool to-boot re-exported a sum of pi from East India, such as Chintz, glass beads, cotton and calicoes. [28] The considerate quantity of exchange pi meant dull colonies insisted exchange delay Liverpool. A sum of interdiplomatic conflicts severely aboveed Bristol’s way in the drudge exchange. Throughout the eighteenth antiquity conflicts existed delay France, Spain and America. Bristol’s colonization in kinsman to the Bristol Channel meant a eminent sum of vessels were past to french privateers. [29] Consequently, Bristol luckabundantly crabbed to privateering during the Spanish Succession from 1702 to 1713. The detain of aggravate seventeen of its vessels by the Spaniards deepened Bristol’s involvement in privateering raise during the Ssmooth Years War (1756 to 1763). Exchange delay the West Indies suffered in outcome, due to the oppressive wholeity of cannonade in privateers. 30] The American War of Independence and delayedr dropping of American colonies hampered the triangular exchange, which Bristolians heavily relied on. Shipping from the United States dropped from approximately 21,202 tons in 1773-7 to 12,326 in 1778-80. [31] Bristol’s drudge exchange familiar war in an wholly inplain way during this continuance. On the other laborer, Liverpool made solid compels from Eminent Britain’s involvement in interdiplomatic conflicts. Williamson, an observer of the War of the Austrian Succession 1739 to 1748, normal that: “exchange flourished and unfurl her victoryful wings so dispersed that if they had ossessed it ssmooth years longer, it would enjoy tolerant the extent and opulenceiness of the town to a colossal degree”[32] Involvement in conflicts meant that the dockyards on the Abundant stream Mersey expert out divers ships in enjoin to glut the nugatory left by Bristol’s evanition from exchange. Drudge trading travels increased inferably during the wars, and vessels luckabundantly deserted convocation French privateers due to Liverpool’s usageous geographical colonization. War to-boot enabled Liverpool trafficrs to catch usage of appraise differentials betwixt England and the colonies. Profits inevitably fruited, which oppositions starkly delay Bristol’s test of the wars. [33] Mighty possible existed for emolument in the drudge exchange, yet when rudimenting in costs, Bristol struggled to realize the benefits of the arrangement. Dropping of drudges in the mean clause exhibited one outgoings, as Captain Black’s communication to James Rogers depicted. His travel past thirteen fecourageous drudges, fifty-six courageouss and sixteen sailors. [34] Bristol trafficrs to-boot hired liberal hire, delegations and financial incentives to captains and drudge venders in enjoin to determine a true segregatenership. 35] When Robert Thiennison’s twin, a belie on Rogers’ Pearle, died, he requested hire of 55 shillings for a month’s production, revealing the proud hire hired by Bristolians. Proud duties to-boot frustrated Bristol trafficrs, echiefly those on tobacco, which is colossus they specialised in. [36] David Richardson proffers an prized realizepear of 7. 8 to 19. 8 per cent on Bristol travels, so-far Rogers’ travels barely managed three per cent emolument, and the proudest prize quiescent comes in inferior than the emoluments made by Liverpudlians. 37] Liverpudlian trafficrs made expressively prouder emoluments in the drudge exchange, chiefly due to intention dispenseable decisions. Manipulated fund truth enabled trafficrs to desert paying duties on up to twenty per cent of the tobacco shipped into the mien. [38] Proposed prizes recommend that 100-ton ships realizepeared emoluments of 750 pounds Stirling ignobled on five Negroes per two tons. [39] The Liverpool vessel Lively executed a 300 per cent emolument in 1737, but most travels arrest encircling ten per cent emolument, which barely proved tit infering the endangers concerned in slaving. 40] One segregateicular Liverpool travel achieved a emolument of 8000 pounds Stirling (precedently deductions for food and exchange pi), delay costs approximately comprising duties of 134 pounds, Doctor hire of thirteen pounds, Captain remuneration of 4 pounds per 104 made on whole realizepears, and delegation costs of 454 pounds Stirling. [41] Liverpudlians clexisting compensated a choice cappower to bring-about abundant emoluments, opposing mounting costs. The trafficr ruler of Bristol aggravatelooked discriminating cannonades in mien facilities in favour of spbound emoluments on selfindulgent lifestyles, proving pernicious to their exchange information. Instead, cannonades centred encircling the fashionable “renaissance” gate property in the city, rather than centreing on diversification towards industrialisation[42]. Prioritising Caribbean ventures aggravate topical industrial schemes demonstrates a raise opaspect to the crop of Bristol. [43] It appears that Bristolians’ preferences centred on funding a lifestyle established on opulenceiness and decrement, reflected in the growing topical insist for sugar and tobacco. Furthermore, Bristol did not endue in the mien until the nineteenth antiquity, when crops included a inchoate harbour, which proved proudly milk-and-water to-boot. 44] Comparatively, the mien of Liverpool niggardly ample fashionable crop as a fruit of emoluments made in the drudge exchange. The city underwent inferable dilution and fashionable enlargement, facilitating trafficrs’ power to act the Atlantic exchange arrangement and sundry dispenses. The city’s opulenceiness stemmed from the trafficrs, heresucceeding their guide aggravate city crops. Subsequently, emoluments funded financial structures and transmien networks including canals, enabling Liverpool to observe guide aggravate sources of pi such as the salt of Cheshire. 45] Cannonade in the docklands proved most guiding, earning Liverpool the appellation of abundantst ship description aspect in England, delay sixty-one of the 161 English-built drudge vessels invented in Liverpool. [46] The expeditious acceptance to wholesale needs and description of the Midlands canal netproduction fruited in the shipment of costly, proud insist exchange pi to Liverpool, not Bristol. A glorious shelve in Bristol’s priorities may representation for Liverpool’s darken of Bristol as the induced drudge trading mien in England. The transition to specialisation in the sugar exchange proves the most convincing causal rudiment in the inaudible role in drudge trading. The Bristolian pleasures undestroyed from sugar, tobacco and absorb decrement cluster trafficrs to centre on supplying the domiciliary dispense delay what topicals insisted. [47] The sugar activity thrived in Bristol, which is reinforced by the sustained substance of twenty sugarhouses betwixt 1720 and 1775. [48] Tobacco and sugar faced restrictions in-reference-to frequented exchange to outlandish countries, possibly raise hopeful Bristolians to supply to topical dispenses. 49] One discussion proposes that Bristol became balance unrepealed, merely preferring safer, balance emolumentable exchange options as they arose. A Jamaican delegate illustrious that “Bristol…is copious plenty, but don’t prudence to propel out eminently”. John Wesley, an subjectionist, to-boot observed Bristol’s “love of specie and comfort”. [50] The increasing subjectionist enfoldment and proportionately comfort of the sugar exchange possibly rendered the Bristolians contenteded delay exiting the drudge exchange. The failure of familial slaving dynasties and a regret to buy in wholesale two-of-a-occupation delay delay ties prproffer two raise justifications for Bristol’s exit in the drudge exchange. Bristol failed to arrest dynasties through which to ignoring dispenseable education and opulenceiness to, abundantly consequently eighteen of the induced twenty-five Bristol trafficrs died as bachelors. Hopeful others to endure the drudge exchange proved segregateicularly enigmatical. The problems faced in re-exporting tobacco exhibited one action, and the infallible encounters delay discomfort on the African seastrand and challenges in securing realizepear pi to-boot cow new entrants to the exchange. [51] Bristol trafficrs tended to devise hale, kindly connections delay cutow exchangers, making truculent two-of-a-occupation enigmatical. To “wage war” opposite familial, banking or residential associates would subvert adapted connections and jeopardise one’s repute. [52] Liverpool trafficrs, on the other laborer, deviseed hale bonds and observeed race dynasties, but did not keep from two-of-a-trade, raise enhancing their rallying. [53] The Bristol trafficrs familiar limitations in useable dispense options, which exhibited a extentable hindrance to luck in the drudge exchange. Bristol exchangers failureed the important exchange pi inevitable for securing insist from dispenses that would fund vessels delay robust drudges from emolumentable colonizations. Merchants such as Rogers tended to centre on Jamaica and Grenada to vend their drudges, propertys whose dispenses displayed an hatred to drudges from Old Calabar due to their unsatisfactory bloom and proud torpor. [54] These pernicious aggravatesights in buying ungraceful drudge cargoes and substance insensible of the drudge preferences at plantations supposing eminent motivation to propel loose from trading in drudges. Bristol persisted in trading pi delay Jamaica, South Carolina and Charlestown, so-far they compeled no usage aggravate Liverpool or smooth London. 55] Furthermore, Bristol failed to answer to new dispenses such as the Ceded Islands including Dominica and St Vincent, leaving the convenience distant unreserved for Liverpool. Liverpool drudge exchangers luckabundantly seized every new dispense convenience that arose, providing dull dispense options for the distinct exchange pi they replete. Succeeding exchange unreserveded up in 1750, Liverpool propeled into exchange delay Upper Guinea and other dispenses in America, where they made compels aggravate Bristol. 56] Liverpool to-boot compensated usageous contacts throughout the West African seashore, echiefly Sierra Leone. [57] In opaspect to Bristol, Liverpool concentrated on hitherer dispenses such as Barbados and the Leeward Islands. Barbados replete aggravate fifty per cent of Liverpool’s imports succeeding 1735, delayly followed by Chesapeake, the Leeward Islands and Jamaica. The collocate of exchange pi replete, and penetration into the exchange at a season of colonial dispensation deceleration to-boot enabled Liverpool trafficrs to closely monopolise the Anglo-American dispenseable dispense. 58] Liverpool trafficrs spended office on the seastrand of Africa from the Senegal Abundant stream to Ambriz[59], where robust drudge populations attainment to the insist for Liverpool dealing in a mighty sum of West Indian colonizations. Delay so divers options for aims to spend exchange delay drudges, it is unsurprising that Liverpool ousted the mien of Bristol from its dominant aspect. Opposing the dull causes attainmentd to the exit of Bristol, the inpower of trafficrs to bring-about niggardly, expert office decisions so-far exhibit the most expressive descriptions. Bristolians hired liberal salaries to captains and horde, as well-mannered-mannered as allowing privileges, daily mandible and delegation acquittals. Captains ate and drank exorbitantly on strand, eroding emoluments inferably. Hither emolument to-boot fruited from abundantly manning vessels, delay the wound on property of needing to accuse balance for drudges. [60] Bristol trafficrs establish themselves outbid for drudges in Old Calabar, driving them to dissipation unrobust drudges. Their state worsened raise due to uncostly foods on consideration. [61] Consequently, appraises achieved in the Americas for drudges were inferior. The Bristol trafficrs justifiably earned a repute as preposterous and unbusinessapprove squanderers, who treated their Captains approve “young gentlemen on the Gorgeous Tour”. [62] A security contingency in 1793 caused divers trafficrs to go insolvent, putting an end to the drudge exchange for the eldership of Bristolians. [63] The failure of office acumen amongst Bristol trafficrs proved pernicious to their luck. Conversely, the office expertise and niggardly power of Liverpudlian trafficrs arrest the city’s appellation of the most luckful drudge trading mien in Europe. Liverpool trafficrs serviceable their horde ameliorate, hired inferior hire, and minimized outfitting costs. Additionally, trafficrs were niggardly by paying hire annually not monthly, and refusing incarcerate privileges, primages and mien allowances. For stance, horde ate salt beef and drank rum perforate on consideration their vessel, compared delay Bristol hordemembers’ exorbitant drinking of Madeira on strand. [64] Low outgoings enabled Liverpudlians to vend drudges for lewd to five pounds Stirling hither than other exchangers, underselling Bristolians inferably. 65] Accepting Bills of Exchange deserted assurance on realizepear pi for acquittal, giving flexibility to trafficrs, which undisputed them to realizepear frequented to Africa to euler balance drudges. Liverpool trafficrs skilabundantly evaded subsidy administrators by importing “damaged” and hence function clear pi, and disembarking “underweight” hogsheads, merely to re-exmien them at heavier weights. [66] These tricks meant acquittal of hither function tax, maximising emoluments. Resourceful and conceptive actions and decisions shove Liverpool to proceedings heights never reached by Bristol in the drudge exchange. Liverpool’s adroit run to rallying in the drudge exchange undoubtedly procures description for Bristol’s exit from a unintermittently eminent drudge trading mien. Geographical colonization, vessel extent, travels, exchange pi, interdiplomatic conflicts, dispense aims, and fashionable crop all procure convincing descriptions of Bristol’s drop from the aspect of induced British mien. However, problems could abundantly enjoy been aggravatecome or averted had the Bristol trafficrs compensated hale office facility, judgement skills and education. Perhaps Bristol’s priorities did shelve toward supplying for the domiciliary dispense. Nevertheless, the Bristolians’ failure of skills and education, so clexisting compensated by Liverpool trafficrs, sealed Bristol’s exit from a unintermittently world-induced slaving mien to an mean sugar-importing town. Liverpool on the other laborer, exchanged drudges on such a gorgeous layer that it arrest its aspect amongst Europe’s induced mien towns far more the subjection of the drudge exchange. Word Count: 3,258 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources An representation of the ships populated in the African exchange, from the miens of London and Bristol, obligatory to the different exchangers to Africa; delay the appraise of the said ships and cargoes, and the sum of Negroes usually carried by the said ships, London, 1713, Eighteenth Antiquity Collections Online. Gale Group. Captain W. Bfailure of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, possessor of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, National Proceedings Office, C/107/12, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. Great Britain, Parliament, An act for the ameliorate speed of the exchange to Africa, by establishing a regulated assemblage, London, 1708, Eighteenth Antiquity Collections Online. Gale Group. Communication To Captain Richard Prankard captain of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13, http://www. englandpast. net/education/. 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Hyde, F. , Parkinson, B. , & Marriner, S. , “The Constitution and Profitpower of the Liverpool Drudge Trade”, The Economic Truth Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, pp. 368-377. Jones, S. J. “The Enlargement of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development”, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 57-83. Klein, Herbert S. , “The English Drudge Exchange to Jamaica, 1782-1808”, The Economic Truth Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, pp. 25-45. MacInnes, C. M. , “Bristol and the drudge exchange”, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972. Mackenzie-Grive, Averil, The Last Years of the English Drudge Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941. Morgan, Kenneth, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, The English Unadorned Review, Vol. 07, No. 424, 1992, pp. 626-650. Morgan, Kenneth, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, Transactions of the Royal Unadorned Society, Vol. 3, 1993, pp. 185-208. Morgan, Kenneth, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, Unadorned Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 189-216. Morgan, Kenneth, “Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Exchange of Bristol, 1749-1770”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 506-538. Richardson, David, “Shipconsideration Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Drudge Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2001, pp. 69-92. Richardson, David, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, pp. 35-54. Williams, Gomer, Truth of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: Delay an representation of the Liverpool drudge exchange, London, 1897. Williams, Eric, “The Lucky Age of the Drudge Arrangement in Britain”, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, pp. 60-106. Websites Liverpool & The Drudge Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/Slavery_in_Liverpool. htm ----------------------- [1] S. J. Jones, “The Enlargement of Bristol: The Regional Aspect of City Development”, Transactions and Papers (Institute of British Geographers), No. 11, 1946, pp. 64; 71. [2] Eminent Britain, Parliament, An act for the ameliorate speed of the exchange to Africa, by establishing a regulated assemblage, London, 1708, Eighteenth Antiquity Collections Online. Gale Group. [3] Eric Williams, “The Lucky Age of the Drudge Arrangement in Britain”, The Journal of Negro History, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1940, p. 67. [4] Gomer Williams, Truth of the Liverpool privateers and Letters of Marque: Delay an representation of the Liverpool drudge exchange, London, 1897, pp. 67-468. [5] C. M. MacInnes, “Bristol and the drudge exchange”, in Patrick McGrath (ed. ), Bristol in the Eighteenth Century, Newton Abbot, 1972, p. 173. [6] An representation of the ships populated in the African exchange, London, 1713, Eighteenth Antiquity Collections Online. Gale Group. [7] David Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, Slavery and Abolition, Vol. 26, No. 1, 2005, p. 44; David Richardson, “Shipconsideration Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Drudge Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, pp. 74, 80. 8] Eric Williams, p. 69. [9] Averil Mackenzie-Grive, The Last Years of the English Drudge Trade: Liverpool, 1750-1807, London, 1941, p. 16. [10] F. Hyde, B. Parkinson, & S. Marriner, “The Constitution and Profitpower of the Liverpool Drudge Trade”, The Economic Truth Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1953, p372; Anthony Benezet, Some unadorned representation of Guinea, Philadelphia, 1771. [11] Thomas Clarkson, The truth of the run, way, and operation of the subjection of the African drudge-exchange by the British legislation, Vol. 1, London, 1808. 12] David Richardson, “Shipconsideration Revolts, African Authority, and the Atlantic Drudge Trade”, p. 77. [13] David Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, pp. 42-3. [14] Kenneth Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, Unadorned Research, Vol. 76, No. 192, 2003, pp. 195, 200. [15] Kenneth Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, The English Unadorned Review, Vol. 107, No. 424, 1992, p. 641. [16] Similarly, South Carolinian travels to-boot cut by twenty-fiver per cent. Ibid. , p. 640. [17] Stephen D. Behrendt, “The Annual Volume and Regional Distribution of the British drudge exchange, 1780-1807”, Journal of African History, Vol. 38, 1997, p. 189. [18] Kenneth Morgan, “Shipping Patterns and the Atlantic Exchange of Bristol, 1749-1770”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3. , 1989, pp. 515, 532. [19] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 641. [20] Stephen D. Behrendt, “Markets, Transaction Cycles, and Profits: Trader Decision Making in the British Drudge Trade”, The William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 1, 2001, p. 88. [21] William Enfield, An essay towards the truth of Leverpool, 2nd Ed. , 1774. [22] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, p. 197. [23] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 635. [24] Communication To Captain Richard Prankard captain of the Unity Snow to Angola, Bristol, 29 January 1732, Bristol Central Reference Library, The Jefferies Collection: Volume 13. [25] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 635. [26] Ibid. ; Eric Williams, p. 67. [27] Gomer Williams, p. 467. 28] Liverpool & The Drudge Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com/; Enfield, p. 85. [29] MacInnes, p. 175. [30] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, pp. 630-2. [31] Jones, p. 76; Ibid. [32] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [33] Paul G. E. Clemens, “The Run of Liverpool, 1665-1750”, The Economic Truth Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1976, p. 210. [34] Captain W. Bfailure of the Ship Jupiter to James Rogers, possessor of The Jupiter, 20th August 1790, James Rogers Papers, National Proceedings Office, C/107/12 [35] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 40. 36] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 645. [37] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, p. 215. [38] Clemens, p. 215. [39] However, restrictions of two Negroes per ton inaudible possible emoluments to 200 pounds Stirling per travel. Hyde et al. , p. 372. [40] Liverpool & The Drudge Trade, http://www. liverpoolinpictures. com. [41] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [42] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 46-7. [43] Kenneth Morgan, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, Transactions of the Royal Unadorned Society, Vol. , 1993, p. 205. [44] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 628. [45] Clemens, p. 212-7. [46] Herbert S. Klein, “The English Drudge Exchange to Jamaica, 1782-1808”, The Economic Truth Review, Vol. 31, No. 1, 1978, p. 42. [47] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 47. [48] Jones, p. 71. [49] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 646. [50] Morgan, “Bristol West India Merchants in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 204. [51] Ibid. , p. 203. [52] Ibid. , p. 205. [53] Clemens, p. 217. 54] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, pp. 205, 209, 215. [55] Clemens, p. 219. [56] Richardson, “Slavery and Bristol’s ‘Golden Age’”, p. 46. [57] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, p. 199. [58] Clemens, pp. 213-8. [59] Behrendt, “Markets, Transaction Cycles”, p. 172. [60] Gomer Williams, p. 471. [61] Morgan, “James Rogers and the Bristol drudge exchange”, pp. 196, 203. [62] Mackenzie-Grive, p. 4. [63] Morgan, “Bristol and the Atlantic Exchange in the Eighteenth Century”, p. 633. [64] Gomer Williams, p. 471; MacInnes, p. 170. [65] Ibid. , p. 470. [66] Clemens, pp. 215, 221.